August 2006

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The New York Times reports (“IRS Enlists Help…“) that the Internal Revenue Service will begin to subcontract collection of delinquent tax payments to private firms.  The article states:

“…the I.R.S. will turn over data on 12,500 taxpayers — each of whom owes $25,000 or less in back taxes — to three collection agencies. Larger debtors will continue to be pursued by I.R.S. officers.

The move, an initiative of the Bush administration, represents the first step in a broader plan to outsource the collection of smaller tax debts to private companies over time. Although I.R.S. officials acknowledge that this will be much more expensive than doing it internally, they say that Congress has forced their hand by refusing to let them hire more revenue officers, who could pull in a lot of easy-to-collect money.”

As an economist, I would like to briefly compare the incentives of private tax collectors and the government tax collection.  Privately owned debt collection firms likely want to collect as much money as quickly as possible in order to maximize profits.  This is a good thing if compels more citizens to pay their taxes on time. 

Since government employees do not have a profit motive, it is likely that government collections rate would be lower.  The statement in the NYT that using private debt collection is more expensive is due to the fact that 22% to 24% of all cash received by the firms will be used as their commission.  One benefit to using government tax collectors is that without the profit motive, the IRS agents have an incentive to be more “fair” in the case that the ruling of delinquent payment was incorrect. 

The Economist’s View blog relates some of the arguments of Paul Krugman.  Krugman believes that the trend of privatizing administrative and military government functions could make this country one ruled by tax farmers and mercenaries.  Another issue to consider is how secure a taxpayer’s private financial information will be in the hands of a private firm.

According to the Kaiser Family Foundation, 160 million Americans receive their health insurance from their employers.  That figure represents three out of five non-elderly individuals.  Many experts argue that using employer provided health insurance eliminates the problem of adverse selection by forming an insurance pool around a non-medical issue (employment).  Jayanta Bahattacharya and William Vogt are not sure this is the case.  In their 2006 NBER working paper, the authors aim to test whether or not healthy individuals are more likely to receive employer provided insurance at their jobs. 

Model

The model Bhattacharya and Vogt set up is a two period model.  In the first period i) employer set wage and benefit levels, ii) workers are informed if they are health or sick, iii) workers choose their employer and then iv) a health shock occurs and the employee consumes the needed medical care.   In the second period: i) the workers see a new health state, ii) there is an involuntary turnover rate ‘T‘ where these workers must seek new employment, iii) workers in the ‘(1-T)‘ group can elect to switch employers, and iv) a second health shock occurs and the employee consumes the needed medical care.

The individual’s utility function is:

  • u(Y-m)+v[H+f(m,e)]

Y‘ is one’s income and ‘m‘ is out of pocket medical expenses.  The separable v function is utility gained from health capital.  ‘H‘ is the initial health capital level and f is an increased or decreased level of health depending on health spending ‘m‘ and a random shock ‘e‘.  The shock variable is distributed according to the cdf ‘F‘ which depends on whether the individual is sick or healthy. F_sick first order stochastically dominates F_well.  Because of this assumption, we can prove (mathematically) the following three statements:

  • The cost of care for the sick is higher than the cost of care for the well
  • The Utility of the insured who are sick is lower than the utility of the insured who are well.
  • The Utility of the uninsured who are sick is lower than the utility of the uninsured who are well.

There are four possible indirect utility functions in the first period. 

  • U_SU: E_{F_s} [U(Y-m,H+f(m,e))]
  • U_SI: E_{F_s} [U(Y,H+f(m,e))]
  • U_WU: E_{F_w} [U(Y-m,H+f(m,e))]
  • U_WI: E_{F_w} [U(Y,H+f(m,e))]

In the second period, however, the author assumes that there is a switching cost of ‘c‘ utils if the employee decides to change jobs.  This can be justified as a psychic cost to the worker or the loss of job-specific human capital.  The author assumes U_WU(W-p)-c<U_WU(W) meaning that one will reduce overall utility if the person leaves a job and purchases private health insurance rather than staying at a job and using the employer provided insurance. 

Equilibrium

The authors seek a symmetric subgame perfect Nash equilibrium where 1) both sick and well workers choose an employer offerreing insurance in period one and 2) neither sick nor well workers voluntarily turn over to change insurance status in period two.  Working out the mathematics we find the following conclusions:

  1. Among people who do not receive employer provided insurance, the sick benefit the most from purchasing individual insurance: U_SI(W-p)-U_SU(W) > U_WI(W-p)-U_WU(W).  Thus the only people left uninsured will be the healthy ones.
  2. A pooling equilibrium is more likely if there are high switching costs ‘c‘. 
  3. A pooling equilibrium is more likely with a low exogenous turnover rate ‘T‘. 
  4. A pooling equilibrium is more likely if the probability that a well person will become sick is high and the probability a sick person will become well is also high.  Algebraically, the author say this means that ‘P_ww‘ is low.

Empirical Tests

The authors use data from the 1995-2005 March CPS as well as the Occupational Information Network and the Census Public Use Microdata Sample.  They aim to test conclusions 2-4 above as well as seeing if there is any evidence of adverse selection.  The data also show that industries with a high level of job specific human capital–which in this case the authors use as a proxy for ‘c‘ –have workers which are more likely to be covered by their employers.  The coefficient on ‘P_ww‘ is not significantly different from zero, but the ‘P_ww‘ variable is likely not measure with accuracy.  A high turnover rate ‘T‘ actually has the opposite effect than the one predicted by the authors.  The measure ‘T‘ however is problematic to measure in the data since turnover empirically is a mix of exogenous and self selected turnover (quits) and thus the authors disregard any results for the variable. 

Analysis

The model of this paper is elegant and produces sensible conclusions.  While the homogeneity of employers greatly simplifies the model, it makes the mathematical conclusions less robust.  The empirical work gives some suggestive evidence that adverse selection in employer choice of workers may be a problem.  Using such a large data set adds precision to the author’s estimates, but it may be difficult to decompose the countervailing forces within each industry without having more detailed knowledge of each sector.  Still, the combination of theory and empirical work is good; using other data sets to substantiate the authors claims would make their conclusions more robust.

Bhattacharya, Vogt (2006); “Employment and adverse selection in health insurance,” NBER Working Paper No. 12430.

Good news for coffee-aholics like myself.  The Seattle Times reports (“Coffee’s Health Conundrums“) that coffee may have health benefits including a reduced risk of type 2 diabetes.  Researchers at the Pauling Institute concluded that “there is little evidence of health risk and some evidence of health benefits” for up to four cups a day. 

Joe Paduda of Managed Care Matters did some research and found that a cardiology department in Elyria, Ohio received an award for quality (“Quality means exactly what?“).  Why is this significant?  As I noted on Saturday, this same department performed four times as many angioplasties as the rest of the country.  Mr. Paduda sums up the problems with quality measurement well:

“…the center had “the lowest complication rate”. That could be because the cardiologists are really great. Or it could be because they perform a lot of procedures on low risk patients , patients that are likely to require relatively short lengths of stay and experience low complication rates.”

Ten days ago, MedPageToday ran an article (“Hefty Bank Account…“) which claimed that people who have more money are healthier.  Using the 2000 Census American Community Survey, the study finds that “a 55-year-old man making about $49,500 per year is 44% more likely to have a functional disability than his neighbor making $57,800 a year.”  This finding is entirely believable, yet does not really tell us what we want to know: what is causing good or bad health?

Does more money enable an individual to purchase better health care and thus increase the probability of desireable health outcomes?  Is increased earning power an indicator for socio-economic status, better education, etc. which may lead people to adopt healthier life-styles?  It is also possible to find reverse causality here where people who are ill are less productive at work and thus earn less.  The authors of the study even admit that since their data is cross-section, their study is not able to determine the direction of causality.  If the investigators used panel data, their study could track the individuals over time and see what are the major causes of their illnesses.

The New York Times last week wrote an article (“…off the charts…“) examining the use of invasive treatment for cardiac problems in Elyria, Ohio.  The article says that this small city has angioplasty rates which are significantly higher than any other U.S. city.

“…outside experts say such a locally dominant cardiology group could make it hard for patients to be aware of other treatment options. They also say there is no clear medical reason for so many patients in Elyria to be so much more likely than heart patients elsewhere to require angioplasty.”

On the other hand, Kaiser Permanente’s salaried doctors in Ohio have an incentive minimize care:

” ‘It’s not just individual doctors making up their minds,’ explained Dr. Ronald L. Copeland, the executive medical director for Kaiser’s medical group in Ohio. With no financial reason to perform expensive procedures, the Kaiser doctors frequently choose to manage the patients’ heart disease with drugs only. ‘Our doctors have no disincentive to do that,’ Dr. Copeland said.”

It is important for healthcare consumers to realize that doctors respond to financial incentives just like the rest of us.

“…some outside experts say they are concerned that Elyria is an example, albeit an extreme one, of how medical decisions in this country can be influenced by financial incentives and professional training more than by solid evidence of what works best for a particular patient.”

From the ArgMax website (“Your Congress at Work“), we see that the pocket lobby may have Congess in its pocket:

“A spokesman for Rep. Bob Inglis, R-S.C., confirmed Inglis voted for the Oman deal after being assured by House Majority Leader Boehner that the House would take up the CAFTA fixes. The language would implement an agreement struck to lock up the votes of Inglis and others on CAFTA itself — it would ensure that apparel with pockets coming from CAFTA countries would not get duty-free access to the United States unless the material for the pocketing originates in the United States.”

Greg Mankiw’s Blog looks to online betting for the odds that McCain, Clinton, Giuliani, and Edwards will will the 2008 Presidential Election in his POTUS 2008 post.  McCain has the edge, but Hilary Clinton is a close second.  Using Bayes rule, however, Mankiw shows that if Edwards were to be the Democratic nominee, he would have a better chance of winning the presidency than Clinton. 

Bayes Rule

  • P(A|B)=P(B|A)*P(A)/P(B) … or equivalently
  • P(A|B)=P(B|A)*P(A)/[SUM_i P(B|A_i)*P(A_i)]
  • Bayes Rule example

Why is publicly provided health care so expensive?  One reason is the the fraud which is bound to occur.  The New York Times reports (“Hospital Grew…“) that New Jersey’s largest health care provider–St. Barnabas Health Care System–bilked $630 million from the federal government between 1995 to 2003. 

Medicare pays extra cash to hospitals for the very sick and very expensive patients they call outliers.  In the St. Barnabas case, the fraud occurred when the hospital chain inflated the bills of these outliers.  For those who say that ‘this is just the thing that happens when hospitals only look at the bottom line’ it is interesting to note that St. Barnabas is listed as a non-profit hospital chain.  I wrote in March questioning the validity of tax breaks for non-profit hospitals and this evidence helps to buttress my argument.  Patrick Burns, an analyst at Taxpayers Against Fraud, stated:

“The way the system has operated, it’s almost irresponsible corporate governance for hospitals not to cheat Medicare.”

This is not the only case of Medicare fraud in recent years.  According to the San Francisco Chronicle (“Tenet settles…“), Tenet Healthcare, one of the largest U.S. hospital chains has paid $727 million to settle an overbilling fraud investigation.  Brian Martin, a sociology professor at the University of Wollongong in Australia has a nice summary of how Tenet deceived the federal government.

By 2050, almost 1/3 of the Japanese population will be composed of individuals over the age of 65.  While this will certainly affect Japanese old-age pension schemes, it will also lead to large increases in the Japanese government’s outlay’s for health and long-term care costs.  Fukui and Iwamoto (2006) estimate the size of this increase in government implicit liability for medical spending spending in their paper titled “Policy options for financing the future health and long-term care costs in Japan.” 

The Japanese Ministry of Health Labor and Welfare had already published the Shakai-hoshou no Kyufu to Futan no Tiooshi (Perspectives on the Benefits and Burdens of the Social Security System) and the Kaigo Sahbisuryou tou no Mitooshi (Projection of Demand for Long-term Care).  According to these reports, health care costs will increase from 7.1% of national income in 2004 to 11.2% of national income by 2025.  If we include long term care costs, these numbers increase to 8.5% in 2004 and 14.8% in 2025.  The authors claim that these reports may be overly optimistic and also wish to extrapolate the estimations to a longer time horizon.

The authors estimates are simply derived.  Health care costs are assumed to be constant (as a percentage of national income) for each age grouping and the total cost is just a function of the predicted demographic changes in each age category.  While it is unlikely for costs to be constant for each age group–due to Baumol’s cost disease–it is not possible for health care costs to continually increase ad infinitum as a percentage of national income or else the costs will eventually overtake a society’s total wealth.  The authors use the government demographic projections, but assume 2004 labor force participation rates for each age-sex group (as opposed to the Japanese government estimates which assume increased Labor Force Participation).  A novel approach the authors use is to include the fact that the government often subsidizes providers to reduce the price.  Increased medical spending will also increase the size of the government subsidies.

The authors claim that if the current pay-as-you-go system is kept in place, the total burden on future generations will increase by 63% in real terms by 2100.  Even under more optimistic assumptions, the increase in the total burden place on future generations will be 34%.  While I place little faith in the overall accuracy of these figures, they do show that if current demographic projections are correct, Japan is facing a serious fiscal crunch in the future.

Fukui, Iwamoto (2006); “Policy Options for Financing the Future Health and Long-Term Care Costs in Japan,” NBER Working Paper, No. 12427.

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