September 2006

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The Health Care Renewal blog cites an editorial in the British Medical Journal describing how the spirit of medical professionalism is dying due to top-down administrative decision making. 

“And although medicine has embraced the need for evidence based medicine, policy making remains largely an evidence-free zone. [Richard Lehman wrote,] ‘the personal responsibility of our professional leadership to mark out where the evidence lies, what it says, and what it is lacking.’

But where is our leadership? And where, asks Ian Greener, are the voices raised in protest against the breakdown of Aneuran Bevan‘s founding concordat: that the government would fund the health service but leave its operational running to the doctors. ‘The government has found ways to interfere in medical practice on a remarkable scale,’ he writes.”

The New York Times (“In India, Water Crisis Means Foul Sludge“) gives a detailed look into the disastrous state of New Delhi’s water supply. 

Introduction 

Much of health care today is paid for by managed care plans.  If the managed care plans are profit maximizers–which I assume them to be–then they face a tradeoff.  By offering a lower quality of care, they will make more money; but lowering the quality of care reduces the demand for their insurance product.  In their 2000 Journal of Health Economics article, Frank, Glazer and McGuire create a model which employs “shadow prices” to measure the managed care firm’s incentives to provide care.  The shadow price “character[izes] the incentives a plan has to distort services away from the efficient level.  The shadow price captures how tightly or loosely a profit maximizing plan should ration services in a particular category in its own self interest.”

Model

Let us assume there is a vector of medical services (m_i‘) for each individual ‘i‘, and each medical service is indexed by ‘s‘.  Utility for each person is equal to:

  • u_i(m_i)=v_i(m_i) + μ_i
  • u_i(m_i)=[SUM_s  {v_{is}(m_{is})}] + μ_i

The individual will choose a plan if ‘u_i>u_i‘ where u_i is the valuation the individual places on the next preferred plan.  Thus we have:

  • μ_i> u_i-v_i(m_i)

The managed care plan does not know μ_i but does know the distribution of μ_i.  Given u_i, m_i’, the probability individual i chooses the plan is:

  • n_i(m_i)=1- Φ_i[u_i - v_i(m_i)]

The individual maximizes their utility so that:

  • v’_{is}()=q_s

On the firm side, the managed care organization sets a shadow price (‘q_s‘) for each service in order to maximize the following profit function:   

  • π(q)=SUM_i{n_i(q) * [r_i - SUM_s{m_is(q_s)}]}

The first order condition becomes:

  •  SUM_i{(dn_i/ dq_s) * π_i - n_i*m’_is}
  • π_i = r_i – SUM_s{m_is(q_s)}

The authors eventually solve this system of equations for ‘q_s‘ and find:

  • q_s = (Sum_i{n_i * m_is})/(SUM_i {Φ’_i * m_is * π_i})

What does all this math mean?  Frank et al. explain it well as follows:

“The use of a shadow price as a description of rationing in managed care permits a natural interpretation of the division of responsibility between the ‘management’ of a plan, presumably most interested in profits, and the ‘clinicians’ in a plan who face the patients. Cost-conscious management allocates a budget or a physical capacity for a service. Clinicians working in the service area do the best they can for patients given the budget by rationing care so that care goes to the patients that benefit most. In this environment, management is in effect setting a shadow price for a service through its budget allocation. It is evident in data that individuals with the same disease get different quantities of service. The constant shadow price assumption is consistent with managed care rationing but with more care being received by patients who ‘need’ it more.”

Now we can return to the dilemma faced by profit maximizing managed care firms. These firms choose the optimal q but face a tradeoff.  By increasing the shadow price of a certain medical service (‘q_s‘) the firm can make more money (- n_i*m’_is) since their costs have decreased as less services will be provided.  On the other hand, firms face the problem that for given per-person profit level (‘π_i‘), increasing the shadow price will decrease the probability that any individual would like to purchase the managed care plan in the first place (dn_i/ dq_s <0).  This model can explain the appearance of the following phenomenon:

“Under simple capitation payments that now exist, providers and plans face strong disincentives to excel in care for the sickest and most expensive patients.  Plans that develop a strong reputation for excellence in quality of care for the sickest will attract high-cost enrollees.” Miller and Luft (1997 p. 20).

It not uncommon to observe an HMO offering free gym memberships (which are a perfectly predictable cost) in order to attract new healthy members, but to provide poor services to very sick patients.

Frank, Richard; Glazer, Jacob; McGuire, Thomas; (2000)  “Measuring adverse selection in managed health careJournal of Health Economics, Vol 19, pp. 829-854.

Some interesting bits I found on the Health Wonk blog-o-sphere:

Josesph Stiglitz’s recent article (“Give prizes not patents“) in the New Scientist voices a valid concern that patents may be stifling–not enhancing–innovation.  He worries that IP (Intellectual Property) attorneys are involved in an “enclosure movement” by which a firm tries to patent a new idea as well as many complimentary or peripheral ideas which surround the original innovation.  Stiglitz also articulates concerns over WTO’s TRIPS agreement. 

The solution proposed by Stiglitz is prizes.  Stiglitz writes:

“A prize for medical research would be one alternative.  Paid for by industrialised nations, it would provide large prizes for cures and vaccines for diseases such as AIDS and malaria that affect hundreds of millions of people.  Me-too drugs that do no better than existing ones would get a small prize at best.”

Prizes work only if we know exactly which innovation society needs; this limits their scope.  For instance, it would have been impossible ex ante to have had a prize for the inventor of the cell phone, since no one had conceived of the concept before it was actually developed.

Also, using prizes has large informational demands.  How large should the prize be?  It must be high enough to induce researchers to search for cures, but setting a prize too high would use up valuable funds which could be used in other arenas.  How does one determine if a drug is a me-too drug or not?  If a vaccine provides immunity to AIDS for 50% of cases, would this development merit the full prize?  If not, how large should the prize be?  What if the vaccine was only 10%, or 1% or 0.1% effective? 

In general, prizes create a great incentive for innovators to find cures to known serious diseases.  Prizes may lead to great results but the scope of their impact is likely to be limited by the informational requirements outlined above.  Holistically replacing the patent system with prizes is untenable.  Since innovations are by definition new technologies, it would be impossible to create prizes for every invention which society has not yet invented.  Relaxing the stringency of the patent system by reducing the length of patents and disallowing the use of “enclosure patenting” would help improve the overall IP system. 

For an insightful analysis of the TRIPS system on Indian pharmaceutical production, see Chaudhuri, Goldberg and Gia (NBER 2003) “Estimating the effects of global patent protection in pharmaceuticals: a case study in Quinolones in India“. 

What is economic growth?  How can it be understood?  One concise explanatino is given by Brad DeLong in an article for Wired (“The Real Shopping Cart Revolution“).  In the article, DeLong compares the relative price of flour now to the relative price in the fifteenth to seventeenth and concludes that modern man is 430 times richer than individuals half a millennium ago.  Here is an excerpt:

Suppose a group of theatergoers in Elizabethan England had decided one evening that they wanted to see a performance of Macbeth. Queen Elizabeth herself might have been able to pull it off if Shakespeare’s acting company had the play in its current repertory. But she was the only person in England who could have done so. Go back before Gutenberg to 1400, and a single copy of a book costs as much as two months’ income of a skilled craftsman – the same share of that society’s productive potential as $6,000 is today. Even the richest of our late-medieval and early-modern ancestors were appallingly poor. Indeed, the shift in what kinds of goods we can produce may be as big a deal as the extraordinary drop in how efficiently we can produce them.”

The 2006-2007 Global Competitiveness Report has been released by World Economic Forum.  The rankings can be found at the World Economic Forum website (PDF).

“The rankings are drawn from a combination of publicly available hard data and the results of the Executive Opinion Survey, a comprehensive annual survey conducted by the World Economic Forum, together with its network of Partner Institutes (leading research institutes and business organizations) in the countries covered by the Report. This year, over 11,000 business leaders were polled in a record 125 economies worldwide.”

I am doubtful as to whether these rankings are very accurate and any small changes in ranking are likely meaningless.  The rankings do provide a good idea of how ‘business-friendly’ each country is in the mind of the world business community. 

The top six countries are:

  1. Switzerland
  2. Finland
  3. Sweden
  4. Denmark
  5. Singapore
  6. United States

The bottom three countries are:

  125. Angola 
  124. Burundi
  123. Chad

The top 3 countries which I have visited are:

  1. Switzerland
  8. Germany
  9. Netherlands 

The bottom 3 countries which I have visited are:

  93. Honduras
  70. Morocco
  69. Argentina

Medicaid currently accounts for roughly 50% of all nursing home expenditures and 70% of all bed days.  The government mandates that nursing homes provide a uniform level of quality to all residents, regardless of the payer type.  Yet one may ask: does this mandate hold in reality?  Nursing homes may have an incentive to segregate private insurance patients and Medicaid patients.  If private insurance patients demand a higher quality of care and their insurance pays more to the nursing homes, one would expect them to receive a higher quality of care than Medicaid patients.  For instance, Gottesman (Am J Public Health 1974) finds that as the number of public-pay residents increases, the frequency of care by staff members diminished.  Troyer (Medical Care 2004) found large cross-facility differences in mortality for Medicaid and private-paying residents in Florida, but this finding was not robust to including facility fixed effects. 

David Grabowski, Jon Gruber, and Joseph Angelelli’s 2006 NBER working paper (“Nursing home quality as a public good“) aims to explain these findings by investigating whether or not the nursing home is a public good.  Using a CMS nursing home quality repository of data–which was mandated by the OBRA 1987–the authors were able to access twelve process and outcome variables based on nursing home quality over time.  The data allow the authors to run the following regressions:

  1. General OLS: This specification uses two types of dependent variables.  The first are health outcome variables (eg: urinary tract infections, depression, presence of a fall) and the second group are outcome variables attributed to poor quality of care (eg: presence of a physical restraint, use of an indwelling catheter, bedfast, use of a feeding tube).  These outcome variables are regressed on dummies for the types of insurance, a vector of patient characteristics, a vector of nursing home specific characteristics, and time dummies.
  2. OLS + nursing home fixed effects: This is the same specification as (1) but includes a vector of nursing home dummies.
  3. OLS + patient fixed effects: From specification (2), a vector of patient dummy variables replaces the nursing home fixed effects.

One worry is that negative health shocks may increase a persons medical costs and thus ‘force’ the person onto Medicaid.  If this was true, one would erroneously conclude that Medicaid patients were worse off due to their insurance type, when in reality we have a case of reverse causality.  Grabowski, et al. look into this possibility and find that once patient fixed effects are included in the regression there does not seem to be any selection into Medicaid based on observable health attributes.  The authors also look at cross-state differences in Medicaid nursing home payment rates.  If Medicaid was much stingier in one state than another and nursing homes were not a public good, we would expect to see these states have the largest difference in quality between Medicaid and private insurance patients.  The conclusion reached from these tests finds that the nursing home is a public good; there was no finding of differential quality between Medicaid and non-Medicaid patients within the same facility. 

Grabowski, David; Gruber, Jon; Angelelli, Joseph; (2006) “Nursing home quality as a public good” NBER Working Paper #12361.

A common assumption is that longer life expectancy leads to economic growth. If longevity is a proxy for health and we expect healthier workers to be more productive, longevity should lead to more economic productivity. Further, if individuals live longer, they will have a longer payback period for their investments in human capital (i.e.: education). As human capital increases, productivity and growth should also increase.

An NBER working paper from earlier this summer, however, calls these conclusions into question. Daron Acemoglu and Simon Johnson (2006) find that increased longevity leads to mild or stagnant GDP growth. They also find that GDP per capita decreases or remains stagnant when longevity increases.

The regression methodology is a cross-country panel regression. The authors use a ‘predicted mortality’ measure as an instrument for longevity. The predicted mortality instrument measures whether a variety of health initiatives (eg: the introduction of penicillin and streptomycin, the widespread use of DDT, the eradication of cholera, etc.) were in place at each country over time. The authors show that the instrument is highly relevant, and since these advances were introduced internationally they may be uncorrelated with the error term.

One hypothesis of mine was that longevity’s impact on GDP may not be felt for years since it will be mostly the younger generation who will increase investment in education and these payoffs will not accrue until the future. Acemoglu and Johnson, however, show that increasing longevity did not increase school attendance. This could be due to a bottleneck in many countries’ education systems.

While my faith in cross country regressions is always small, the authors do a good job of performing a variety of robustness checks, and their thesis–while difficult to believe–is also tough to refute. For another review of the paper, check out Greg Mankiw’s blog.

Acemoglu, Daron; Johnson, Simon (2006) “Disease and Development: The effect of life expectancy on economic growth” NBER working paper #12269.

Generalists can give holistic, cost-effective care to patients, but may be limited in their ability to treat complex diseases.  Specialist may offer a superior quality of medical services and advance knowledge in their field, but this premium medicine comes at a high cost.  Generalist or specialist…Specialist or generalist…which to chose?  

A 1996 New England Journal of Medicine (Wachter and Goldman 1996) article claims that hospitalists are the forgotten third category of physicians.  Why would a hospitalist be necessary?  Couldn’t a primary care physician care for his patients in the hospital?  The article believes hospitalists will emerge for the following reasons:

“First, because of cost pressures, managed-care organizations will reward professionals who can provide efficient care. In the outpatient setting, the premium on efficiency requires that the physician provide care for a large panel of patients and be available in the office to see them promptly as required. There is no greater barrier to efficiency in outpatient care than the need to go across the street (or even worse, across town) to the hospital to see an unpredictable number of inpatients, sometimes several times a day. There are parallel pressures for efficiency in the hospital. Since the inpatient setting involves the most intensive use of resources, it is the place where the ability to respond quickly to changes in a patient’s condition and to use resources judiciously will be most highly valued. This should prove to be the hospitalists’ forte.”

Hospitalists have already been used in Canada and Great Britain.  In the U.S., Scripps Clinic in La Jolla, California as well as Park Nicollet Medical Group in Minneapolis medical groups which both use hospitalists.  Hospitalists may form a multi-disciplinary group where responsibility for patient care is given to the hospitalist with the most expertise in the patients area of need.  The only problem with shared responsibility is that this may lead to occasions where no one takes responsibility.  Also, primary care physicians often dislike the fact that they must give up patient control to hospitalist once they enter the in-patient setting.  Specialists fear that hospitalist may reduce the number of consultations the patients may have. 

Since this article was written ten years ago, I was wondering if any of my readers could update me as to the current popularity in the use of hospitalists in 2006.  The Hospitalist.net website has some additional information on this type of physician as well.

 

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