Supply of Medical Services

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Nurse practitioners (NPs) are non-physician clinicians that can often either assist or directly provide primary care. Some studies have found that NPs can independently manage 80 percent of patients’ primary care needs. Other studies show that NPs provide high-quality care.

A recent article, however, suggests that NPs may not be cost effective.  This is a curious result because NP salaries are much lower than primary care physicians (PCPs).  Consider the following difference between the hourly wage for  physician assistants compared to family and general physicians.

Drs. Liu and D’Aunno, however, argue that employing a nurse practitioner or physician assistance creates additional cost.  First, the physician often needs to supervise the nurse practitioner.  Physicians who spend time supervising NPs have less time to spend with patients.  Second, some share of patients will have more complex conditions that only the physician will treat.  These patients will have two office visits (first with the NP, then with the physician), but would only have needed one visit if they had seen the PCP initially.  Third, if the NP is underutiliized, then the practice will be paying the NP for little work.

This is not to say that NPs are not cost-efficient.  I believe that increasing the role of the NP can increase efficiency.  The Lui and D’Aunno article, however, does note some of the conditions that are necessary for practices to leverage NPs effectively.

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Financial incentives matter.  If one had to give economists (and health economists as well) a slogan, this would be it.

In 2006, the Netherlands instituted a form of managed competition. According to Van Dijk et al (2012) ”Before 2006, inhabitants had either compulsory social (sickness fund, 62%) or voluntarily private (36%) health insurance depending, among others, on income (below a gross annual income of €33 000 people were socially insured).  This combined system of social and private health insurance was replaced by a compulsory single universal basic health insurance covering a legally defined package of basic benefits including GP care. GPs act as gatekeepers for secondary care…”

The implementation of a managed competition system in the Netherlands cause two major changes to the primary care payment system.   First, cost sharing was abolished for privately insured individuals.  Second, whereas previously doctors treating socially-insured patients received a capitation payment and physicians treating  privately-insured beneficiaries received a fee-for-service payments, after 2006 all physicians received a mixed capitation/fee-for-service payment system.

How did these changes affect the number of primary care visits in the Netherlands?  The authors of the study used a sample of GP practices participating in the 2005-2007 Netherlands Information Network of General Practice (LINH) study to conclude the following:

Abolition of cost sharing led to a higher increase in patient-initiated utilisation for privately insured consumers in persons aged 65 and older. Introduction of fee-for-service for socially insured consumers led to a higher increase in physician-initiated utilisation.

Source:

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Health reform not only changes the health care market for the demand side (e.g., patients, insurers), but also for the supply side (e.g., hospitals, physicians).  In the Medicare setting, a number of initiatives have aimed to pay providers who provide high-quality or low-cost care more money, and pay providers who provide low-quality or high-cost care less money.  CSC provides a nice overview of some of these initiatives.

  • Performance Value-Based Purchasing (VBP) — Offers increased update to diagnosis-related group (DRG) payment rates to hospitals according to demonstration of performance or improvement in designated performance areas relative to performance standards and benchmarks.
  • Shared Savings Program — For groups of providers who form an Accountable Care Organization (ACO), potentially shares a portion of financial savings in caring for Medicare patients if performance standards are met, according to performance rated on a sliding scale against benchmarks.
  • Readmission Reduction Program (RRP) — Decreases annual adjustments to DRG payment rates for hospitals that are in the lowest performance quartile for excess readmissions of Medicare patients with selected discharge diagnoses.
  • HAC Payment Limitation — Decreases annual adjustments to DRG payment rates for hospitals that are in the lowest performance quartile for a designated set of Hospital-Acquired Conditions (HACs).
  • Bundled Payments for Care Improvement Initiative — One of several initiatives of the CMS Innovation Center to give doctors and hospitals new incentives to coordinate care, improve the quality of care and save money for Medicare. Bundle care for a package of services patients receive to treat a specific medical condition during a single hospital stay and/or recovery from that stay. Applicants pick conditions to target and one of four ways to define the extent of pre- and post-hospital care included in the bundled payment.

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Merrill Goozner reports that paying for the “doc fix” comes at the cost of preventive services.

Friday’s payroll tax cut extension bill included $18 billion to maintain Medicare physician salaries at current levels for the rest of this year. Unlike the payroll tax extension, Congress insisted on paying for the doc-fix with offsetting budget cuts.  They raised nearly a third of the money by cutting $5 billion from prevention programs initiated under the Affordable Care Act. The rest came from reduced payments to hospitals, nursing homes, and clinical labs, and reduced Medicaid payments to Louisiana.

Smoking cessation programs? Cut. Outreach to schools to get kids to eat more fruits and vegetables? Cut. More programs at local YMCAs to prevent diabetes? Cut.“The idea of paying for a ten-month fix in physician payments with a ten-year cut in prevention programs is the ultimate penny-wise, pound-foolish move,” said Richard Hamburg, deputy director of Trust for America’s Health, which lobbies for community prevention programs and more funding for state and local health departments.

Preventive care programs may improve the quality of life for some individuals, but according to the CBO expanded use of preventive care “leads to higher, not lower, medical spending overall.”  Thus, although cutting preventive care may seem to increase medical costs in the long-run, in practice the deal to cut preventive care services should save enough move to pay for this year’s doc fix.

 

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In 2011, 13 percent of Americans were over 65 years old.  In the coming years, this number will only increase.  Unsurprisingly, the demand for long-term care will also increase. Currently, spending on long-term care in Medicaid only was over $50 billion in 2009.

One option for increasing the affordability of the long-term care market is to have the government and stabalize the long-term care insurance market.  Currently, the market for long-term care insurance is small because of a signficant amount of adverse selection; individuals unlikely to need LTC don’t buy LTC insurance.

Ted Kennedy’s CLASS Act would have created a voluntary and public long-term care insurance option.  Under the CLASS Act:

  • Enrollees would have paid a monthly premium, through payroll deduction
  • Enrollees would have been covered on a guaranteed-issue basis
  • Enrollees would have been eligible for benefits after paying premiums for five years and having worked at least three of those years
  • Enrollees would have received a lifetime cash benefit after meeting benefit eligibility criteria, based on the degree of impairment [5]

The CLASS Act, however, was not to be.  By a vote of 267-159, lawmakers passed H.R. 1173, Fiscal Responsibility and Retirement Security Act of 2011, which repealed the CLASS Act.

The CLASS Act, a pet project of the late Sen. Ted Kennedy, is a voluntary program where taxpayers could volunteer to pay premiums for long-term care that would allow the taxpayer to get that cash later in life.

Health and Human Services Secretary Kathleen Sebelius wrote a letter to Congress Oct. 14 explaining that a 19-month ‘comprehensive analysis’ of the CLASS program indicated that it was not viable.

The measure, formally known as the Community Living Assistance Services and Supports Act, came with a five-year waiting period before it started to pay out benefits, but it started collecting revenues immediately. Republicans argued that the act was just another example of how the administration hid the cost of the Affordable Care Act.

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In many cases, only a handful of suppliers produce vaccines for a given disease.  In fact, for several vaccine types the U.S. has fewer suppliers than countries with a smaller market and a higher level of government purchase.

One reason for this finding could be strict government regulation.  All vaccines must be approved by the FDA.  Further, the CDC provides guidelines to physicians regarding who should get which vaccines.  The CDC also is a large purchaser of vaccines.  Thus, at first glance, it seems that government regulation may be causing industry consolidation in the vaccine market.

A paper by Danzon and Pereira, however, finds this not to be the case.  They find that the likelihood a supplier exits from a particular vaccine market is not effected by whether the CDC is a purchaser of the vaccine, the amount of vaccine the CDC purchases, or the CDC price at the time the firm exits.

The authors propose that the large economies of scale in vaccine production are the cause of the lack of competition in the vaccine market.

The vaccine industry is characterized by large fixed costs of initial vaccine development as well as substantial ‘semifixed’ costs of producing an individual batch (a process that may take 6 to 18 months) but low marginal costs of producing an additional dose, up to the batch limit, and low storability. If there are multiple competing suppliers with large sunk costs and low marginal costs, competition may drive the price low enough that it is relatively unattractive for multiple firms to remain in the market and for new firms to enter.

Further, the demand for vaccines is price sensitive.  Insurers (public and private) typically pay physicians and hospitals a fixed payment per vaccine administered.  Increases in vaccine costs come directly from the provider’s bottom line.

Some observers may point to the 2004-2005 influenza vaccine shortage and claim that government regulation had to cause this shortage.  The authors note that although several suppliers did exit the market before the shortage years, “…this cannot be blamed on government purchase and price controls, as less than 20 percent of the flu vaccine is publicly purchased.”

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The Department of Housing and Urban Development (HUD) is responsible for answering just that question.  To determine what level Section 8 vouchers should be set, HUD measures the rents for every county across the nation.  Specifically, they measure the 40th percentile and 50th percentile (i.e., median) rents in each area.  They choose to use the median so that high prices for luxury residences do not skew the measure of rent for a “typical” person in each area.  How does HUD calculate these Fair Market Rents (FMR)?  Today I will explain.

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One of the goals of Medicare is to provide its beneficiaries access to quality care regardless of where they live.  Thus, the Medicare program provides financial incentives to providers located in these remote areas.

Whereas most Medicare pays most hospitals through the inpatient prospective payment system (IPPS), it pays certain rural hospitals based on their reported costs.  Medicare pays Critical Access Hospitals (CAH), for instance, 101 percent of its report cost for inpatient, outpatient, laboratory, and therapy services.  It also pays this providers 101 percent of their cost for post-acute care for CAH beds are “swing beds” (which are beds that can be used for either acute or post-acute care).

However, how should Medicare define ‘critical’? The simplest definition is just whether a hospital is in a rural (i.e., non-metropolitan) area. However, there are various gradations of ‘rural’. A rural hospital on the outskirts of a big city would be far less ‘critical’ then one very far from distant areas. One could define ‘critical’ based on facility volume. If the low volume is due to poor quality, however, defining these hospitals as critical could just reward poor hospitals. Third, could define a hospital as isolated based on its distance from other facilities who could provide comparable care. Alternatively, one could identify critical hospitals based on demographic factors such as population density in the surrounding areas.

Below, I provide more information on other types of types of rural hospital designations in Medicare.
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For many years, fee for service payment was the status quo. FFS model encourages hospitals to adopt the following strategies to maximize market share and profits:

  • Centered on short-term acute care
  • Focused on specialist alignment
  • Driven by a volume-based service-line strategy
  • Using expensive medical equipment purchases to encourage physician referrals
  • Attracting patients with new construction in support of market share growth
  • Short-term acute hospitals focus on profitable service lines such as oncology, cardiology, neurology, and orthopedics.

Specific examples of this growth are abundant.  In Indianapolis, all four of their hospital systems built coronary surgery centers at a combined cost of $210 million.  A community hospital 15 miles north of the city opened a smaller, open-heart surgery program.  In Cincinnati, nine hospitals performed open heart surgery. Eight Boston Hospitals Have da Vinci System, which may indicate that robotic surgery may be used for marketing purposes.

However,  health reform has started to change these trends.  Medicare is instituting more bundled payment (e.g., dialysis payments)  rather than pure fee-for-service.  Further, Medicare’s Shared Savings Program (MSSP)  aims to use Accountable Care Organizations (ACOs) to coordinate patient care improve quality and reduce the rate of growth in health care spending.

How will hospitals respond to the changing market landscape?  One way hospitals can improve their margins is to only treat healthier patients to improve their performance in the case where risk adjustment methods are imprecise.  Also, provider mergers may be a trend. Access larger populations will lessen risk providers must bear under new payment models.  Larger size also means that hospitals can negotiate better rates with suppliers.  Hospitals will likely sell redundant or non-core assets.

Hospitals will also adopt new technology to better manage care. For instance, Henry Ford Health System in Detroit uses an embedded specialized software called RadPort in its electronic physician order entry system that prompts physicians to enter specific information when ordering radiology tests.  The pilot, funded with a CMS grant, will see whether these prompts will reduce utilization levels.

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The answer is probably not.  The NCQA defines 149 factors which would make a practice a successful medical home.  These include physician access during and after office hours, electronic access to patients information, availability of clinical data and use of that data for population management, identification of high risk patients, ability to refer patients to available community resources, care coordinate, and quality measure tracking.

As recent Health Economics articles finds that almost half of physician practices fail to meet the NCQA’s medical home standards.  Specifically,

Forty-six percent…of all practices lack sufficient medical home infrastructure. While 72.3 percent…of multi-specialty groups would achieve recognition, only 49.8 percent…of solo/partnership practices meet NCQA standards. Although better prepared than specialists, 40 percent of primary care practices would not qualify as a medical home under present criteria.

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