Experimental

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Here is an interesting post on risk preferences and physical strength.

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Many experimental economists have been interested in measuring the level of risk aversion as well as the determinants of risk aversion. These studies often take place in a controlled, laboratory setting and designing an experiment which will elicit responses which are true to life is essential.

In “Risk Aversion in the Laboratory,” Harrison and Rutström review some of the techniques used to elicit risk aversion preferences. We will review 5 of these techniques: multiple price list (MPL), random lottery pairs (RLP), ordered lottery selection (OLS), Becker-DeGrot-Marschak (BDM) and trade-off (TO).

  • Multiple price list (MPL). In this type of lottery, subjects are given a list of binary lottery choices to make all at once. The most famous example of MPL is the Holt and Laury (2002) study. MPL is probably the most widely used method to elicit risk preferences, but do suffer from the problem of framing. In the Holt & Laury study, subjects may have tended to choose a switching point in the middle of lottery list even if their actions in the real world would not have reflected this choice.
  • Random lottery pairs (RLP). Under RLP, subjects face binary lottery choices in a sequence and must choose the preferred lottery. Hey and Orme (1994) used this methodology to test expected utility predictions. The experimenters’ elicited the subjects preferences over 100 pairs of lotteries, where the outcome values were fixed (£0, £10, £20, £30) but the probabilities for each outcome changed among the 100 lottery pairs.
  • Ordered lottery selection (OLS). In this methodology, the subject chooses one lottery from an ordered set. For instance, Barr (2003) allowed villagers in Zimbabwe to choose from the following 50/50 lotteries: (100; 100); (90, 190); (80, 240); (60, 300); (20, 380); (0, 400). The OLS structure can help to answer questions about risk preferences, but since all lotteries are 50-50, they can not answer questions regarding higher order risk preferences (e.g., prudence, temperance). Further, this method does not allow for the analysis of any Kahneman and Tversky-style probability weighting.
  • Becker-DeGrot-Marschak (BDM). In the words of Blavatsky & Köhler (2007), “Under the BDM procedure, individuals are asked to state their minimum selling price for a risky lottery. The experimenter then draws a random number between the lowest and the highest outcome of the lottery. If the price that the individual states is lower than or equal to the drawn number, she receives the drawn number as her payoff. Otherwise she has to play the risky lottery.” The benefit of BDM is that if preferences satisfy the independence axiom, then the bid will be the individuals exact certainty equivalent. However, it assumes that individuals do not make errors and understand the fairly complex nature of the game.
  • Trade-off (TO). The trade off design gives subjects choices over lotteries and these lotteries are endogenously defined in real-time by prior responses of the same subject. This can lead to a more precise measure of the certainty equivalent, but does the lotteries played will vary by subject.

With any of these experiments it is important to pay real money for the subjects answers. Otherwise, many of the results will suffer from hypothetical bias (see Camerer and Hogarth, 1999).

  • Cox and Harrison (2008), “Risk Aversion in the Laboratory,” Risk Aversion in Experiments, Research in Experimental Economics, volume 12.

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How should you present a lottery to a subject of an economic experiment? Is a pie chart the best? What about a Holt & Laury style chart?

I have compiled a document (“Lottery Presentation Styles“) to give you some suggestions.

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Many economists over time have tried to measure how risk averse (or risk loving) people are. For instance, some risk averse individuals would prefer having $40 for sure compared to playing a game where if the coin lands heads you get $100 and if the coin lands tails you get $0. Risk averse individuals are willing to accept a lower expected value ($40 vs. $50 for the coin flip).

However, another feature of individuals preferences can also influence how individuals evaluate risky situation. This concept is prudence. Let us go back to the coin flip game ($100 heads; $0 tails). Imagine you make $50,000 this year and you are going to get a raise next year so you will earn $60,000. Would you rather play the coin flip game this year or next year? A prudent person would want to take the risk when they are in the better financial situation.

Measuring prudence, however, is not a simple task. A working paper by Deck and Schlesinger tries to estimate prudence preferences in an experimental setting. The experimental question is posed as follows:

  • You will receive $10.50 + (1|-1) if the con lands on Heads or Tails and $9.00 if the coin lands on the Same or Different outcome.

I think the phrasing of the question is unnecessarily complicated, but the question is fairly straight-forward. Everyone gets $10.50. Individuals must choose between Heads or Tails; and Same or Different. To simplify, let us assume that everyone chooses Heads, which means you earn $1 if the coin lands on heads and lose $1 if the coin lands.

Now we must decide between Same or Different. If you choose Same, that means that you get $9 if the first coin toss lands on heads and you also flip the coin a second time to see if you win or lose $1; if the first coin toss lands on tails then you get $0, but do not have to play the win/lose $1 game. If you choose Different, then if the coin lands on heads you get $9, and do not play the second coin toss; if the coin lands on tails you get $0 and do not play the second coin toss.

Individuals who choose Same are prudent because they take the financial risk (win/lose $1) when they are richer ($9 extra). Those who choose Different, are imprudent because they take the financial risk (win/lose $1) when they are poorer ($0 extra)

The authors asked 6 of these prudence of questions. They found that 61% of subjects responded to the questions in a prudent manner, but only 14% of individuals responded to all six questions prudently. A Kolmogorov-Smirnov statistic of 0.2225 indicates that people are making prudent choice more than would be the case if they were choosing randomly.

APPENDIX

The other 6 prudence questions were:

  1. You will receive $30 + (25|-25) if the con lands on Heads or Tails and $25.00 if the coin lands on the Same or Different outcome.
  2. You will receive $12.50 + $9.00 if the coin lands on Heads or Tails and (5|-5) if the coin lands on the Same or Different outcome.
  3. You will receive $12.50 + (5|-5) if the con lands on Heads or Tails and $1.00 if the coin lands on the Same or Different outcome.
  4. You will receive $10.50 + $9.00 if the coin lands on Heads or Tails and (1|-1) if the coin lands on the Same or Different outcome.
  5. You will receive $12.50 + $5.00 if the coin lands on Heads or Tails and (5|-5) if the coin lands on the Same or Different outcome.
  6. You will receive $14.50 + (9|-9) if the con lands on Heads or Tails and $1.00 if the coin lands on the Same or Different outcome.

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Generally, economists believe that individuals are rational and make choices to maximize utility. How do you reconcile the fact that most people would prefer to own a Ferrari, but actually own a car like a Toyota Matrix? Once you take into account all aspects of this choice (including price) then the Toyota Matrix doesn’t look so bad.

However, an NBER working paper by Beshears Choi, Laibson and Madrian (2008) claims that sometimes, people’s revealed preferences may not coincide with their true preferences:

  1. Passive choice. If individuals do not actively make a choice, such as would be the case for a default 401(k) enrollment at work, people may not be choosing optimally (at least initially).
  2. Complexity. It is often difficult for individuals to act rationally in complex situations. For instance, when one is faced with a large number of choices or faced significant uncertainty regarding future prospects, individuals may act suboptimally.
  3. Limited Personal Experience. “Human learning is often generated by feedback.” Thus, the more experience an individual has, the more rational they will act. You probably get a better deal buying groceries than buying a used car, because you have much more experience with the former.
  4. Third Party Marketing. “Tom Sawyer tricked his friends into paying him for the privilege of painting his family’s fence. A great deal of real behavior is also influenced by marketing.”
  5. Intertemporal Choice. How should people discount future utility? The authors claim that “Only discounting due to mortality risk is easily defended philosophically.”

How can we correct for these “incorrect” revealed preferences? Beshears and co-authors give some suggestions:

Structural estimation specifies a positive model with a precise set of economic and psychological motives (perhaps including non-Bayesian thinking and other decision-making errors). This model is then estimated using data, and the resulting positive preferences are mapped into normative preferences using normative axioms.

Active decisions …[require individuals] to explicitly state their preference without beinginfluenced by (or being able to rely on) a default option.

In most stationary economic environments, initial choices are likely to be further from normative optimality than choices made after many periods of experience. One should therefore give more weight to asymptotic choices [preferences revealed after having experience with the choices] when attempting to infer normative preferences.

When homogeneous individuals make noisy, error-prone decisions, their individualdecisions do not reflect normative preferences, but their aggregate behavior can …

Self-reported preferences reveal something about an agent’s goals and values. Normative economics should allow self-reports to have some standing.

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