Patents

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Planet Money has a very interesting article about software patents and companies who exist for the sole purpose of buying these assets and suing other companies.  Computer programmers themselves don’t even like their own patents.  In previous posts, I’ve made arguments for limiting patents for pharmaceuticals and the cases for software patents is even stronger. An excerpt from the article:

 

For a long time, the patent office would have agreed with Rick Mc Leod. For a long time, the patent office was very reluctant to grant patents for software at all.

For decades, the patent office considered software to be like language. A piece of software was more like a book or an article. You could copyright the code, but you couldn’t patent the whole idea.

In the 1990s, the Federal courts stepped in and started chipping away at this interpretation. There was a couple big decisions, one in 1994 and another in 1998, which overturned the patent office completely.

A flood of software patents followed. A lot of people in Silicon valley wish that had never happened, including a very surprising group: computer programmers.

“I worked on a whole bunch of patents in my career over the years and I have to say that every single patent is nothing but crap,” says Stephan Brunner, a programmer.

Brunner says software patents on his own work don’t even make sense to him.

I can’t tell you for the hell of it what they’re actually supposed to do. The company said we have to do a patent on this. … Personally, when I look at them, I’m not proud at all. It’s just like mungo mumbo jumbo that nobody understands and makes no sense from an engineering standpoint whatsoever.

These patents cause problems for innovative companies, particularly those in Silicon Valley.

“We’re at a point in the state of intellectual property where existing patents probably cover every behavior that’s happening on the Internet or our mobile phones today,” says Chris Sacca, the venture capitalist. “[T]he average Silicon Valley start-up or even medium sized company, no matter how truly innovative they are, I have no doubt that aspects of what they’re doing violate patents right now. And that’s what’s fundamentally broken about this system right now.”

How important are patents? Well, look how much big tech firms are paying for them.

In early July, the bankrupt tech company Nortel put its 6,000 patents up for auction as part of a liquidation. A bidding war broke out among Silicon Valley powerhouses…The portfolio eventually sold to Apple and a consortium of other tech companies including Microsoft and Ericsson. The price tag: $4.5 billion dollars….

That’s $4.5 billion on patents that these companies almost certainly don’t want for their technical secrets. That $4.5 billion won’t build anything new, won’t bring new products to the shelves, won’t open up new factories that can hire people who need jobs. That’s $4.5 billion dollars that adds to the price of every product these companies sell you. That’s $4.5 billion dollars buying arms for an ongoing patent war.

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In general, I am weary of patents (see my Healthcare Manifesto and Against Intellectual Property posts). Sure, they may be useful to spur innovation, but they also harm innovation since one cannot modify or improve a product while there is still a patent. Further, patents generate rent-seeking where inventors spent tons of time wrangling to secure a patent and less time creating new ideas.

Thus, when I recently saw a 60 Minutes piece which explains that companies could patent genes, I was appalled.  The story centers on a Myriad, a biotech firm with a patent over a gene which predicts breast and ovarian cancer.  Now, I’m not a big fan of patents, but if they do exist, I agree with ACLU lawyer Chris Hansen who said “If Myriad develops a new drug, a new treatment, a new test, they can get a patent and they should be able to get a patent. What they shouldn’t be able to do is get a patent over the gene itself.”

Why does Myriad want to patent the genes?  According to Forbes’ The Business of Science blog, it’s “purely about greed“.

The N.Y. Times reports, however, that the “Federal District Court in Manhattan ruled that the two genes were products of ‘the law of nature,’ and so could not be patented. The judge, Robert W. Sweet, declared that seven patents on the genes, held by Myriad Genetics of Utah, were not valid.”  The title of this article is “Nature, 1; Company, 0,” but a more appropriate title would be “Liberty 1, Monopolies 0″.

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Markets win.

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The enforcement of intellectual property rights (IPR) in less developed countries is currently a topic of much public debate. Whether it is protecting the copyrights of Western recording artists or preventing `copycat’ technology goods, OECD countries are attempting to compel less developed countries (LDCs) to enforce IPR in their country. No area of IPR enforcement is more controversial, however, than patent protection for pharmaceutical drugs. In the 1995 Uruguay round of the World Trade Organization talks (WTO) the Trade Related Intellectual Property Rights (TRIPS) agreement was reached. TRIPS specifies that all WTO members must enforce product patents in all fields. While on paper this has occurred, in many countries pharmaceutical patent protection is either not enforced or—as in India—it is explicitly excluded from the TRIPS agreement.

In their 2003 NBER working paper, Chaudhuri, Goldberg and Jia (CGJ) attempt to measure the welfare effects of pharmaceutical patent enforcement in India for the anti-bacterial category fluoroquinolones. The main value of the paper is that the welfare effects are calculated using estimated parameters from retail pharmaceutical audits performed by an Indian market research firm. In most prior studies on LDCs, welfare effects were estimated either in a purely theoretical framework with assumed parameters or employing estimated elasticities from studies on developing countries. While this study provides an interesting case study that can help researchers understand the health care market in LDCs, the authors examination of the welfare effects of IPR occurs in a static setting. Patents are inherently inefficient in the short-run, and Chaudhuri, Goldberg, and Jia’s findings of significant welfare losses are hardly surprising since dynamic innovation effects are not taken into account. Despite these flaws, the paper does give future researchers a base upon which to build dynamic models in the future.

The main finding of the CGJ paper is the patent protection in the fluoroquinolone product market reduces welfare dramatically. The authors claim that if patent production was introduced into India, consumer surplus would drop by 32 billion rupees ($713m USD), domestic profits would drop by 2.3 billion rupees ($50m USD) and foreign producers would only gain about 2.6 billion rupees ($57m USD). While, this claim is eminently believable, the result is far from surprising. In all settings, patents create rents for the firms which hold them; thus it is always welfare improving to eliminate patents in the short run. What the paper mostly ignores is the dynamic effects in which patents act as an incentive for innovation.

Ignoring dynamic effects is acceptable using only very restrictive conditions. India may represent such a small market that western firms would have no incentive to perform R&D for cures for India specific diseases regardless of if patent protection is enforced or not. Further, India may be so poor that no one would purchase the drug at patent-protected world prices. If the only profitable price to sell drugs in India is below the world price, Indian nationals would have an arbitrage opportunity on the world market and worldwide profits of the patent-holding firm would be eroded. Finally, without patent protection, firms may avoid selling in India for fear of local firms creating generic drugs.


Each of these conditions is most likely not satisfied in India. While India does have a low GDP per capita (currently 154th in the world), it is still the fourth largest economy due to its sizable population. Firms may be wary of selling at below world prices since their goal is to maximize worldwide profits and not simply to optimize profits within the Indian market. In this case, the equilibrium simply states that multinationals should charge the world price. Development of generic drugs is a valid worry for western firms, but with the advent of the internet and global professional networks, Indian firms are able to create generic drugs whether or not a Western drug firm sells in India. In fact, the CGJ paper states that India is the leading producer of generic drugs in terms of volume. For all of these reasons, the CGJ paper’s lack of attention to the R&D incentives patents provide creates great doubts as to the validity of any long-run welfare estimation.

CJG find evidence that a domestic product is often a better substitute for another domestically produced product using a different molecule than it is for a foreign-produced produce using the same molecule. CJG claim that distribution networks may explain this finding, but a more realistic conclusion is that doctors who recommend domestically produced ciprofloxacin may also recommend domestically produced norfloxacin. One difficulty in modeling health care demand is that patients do not have perfect information and purchasing decisions are heavily influenced by doctor recommendations. Further research could explore why domestic drugs using different molecules are good substitutes taking into account informational asymmetries.

The major finding of this paper is that patents create significant welfare losses, most of which occurs on the consumer side from decreased product variety. This is not a novel finding since patents by definition create distortionary monopoly rents for its holders at the cost of consumer surplus. The key research question to answer in this field is to estimate the elasticity of R&D for multinational and local firms with respect to LDC patent protection. Since the Indian government knows the disease burden of its country, offering prize money for the discovery of a vaccine or treatment for a specific disease would likely be Pareto improving compared to patent enforcement. The Rockefeller Foundation has pursued this tract and has posted an award for a diagnostic test for chlamydia and gonorrhea. It still remains an open question whether or not pharmaceutical patents improve welfare, and future studies analyzing the health care market should examine whether patents, prizes, research contracts or no IPR enforcement whatsoever is the best way to improve welfare in LDCs.

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Would drug importation from countries such as Canada be welfare improving for the U.S.? In the short run, the answer is yes. Lower prices will made pharmaceuticals more affordable and more pharmaceutical consumption closer to the static equilibrium level. In the long run, however, lower drug company profits may lead to less innovation in terms of new chemical compounds brought to market.

Frank Lichtenberg tries to test whether or not drug importation will decrease pharmaceutical innovation by using disease incidence (i.e.: the market size for the drug to be created) as a pseudo-experiment for what would happen under a drug importation scheme.

Lichtenberg looks specifically at chemotherapy drugs and finds that the elasticity of the number of chemotherapy regimens with respect to the number of cancer cases is 0.53. In words, “a 10% decline in drug prices would therefore be likely to cause at least a 5-6% decline in pharmaceutical innovation.”

Yet is market size truly a good proxy for what will happen if pharmaceutical trade barriers are destroyed? I would guess not. If pharmaceutical companies care at all about patient health and not just profits, then it is more likely that these companies will try to find cures for diseases where a large number of people are affected. Even if drug companies are profit maximizing, creating a cure for a serious, high-incidence disease (such as cancer) may have positive reputational effects for the company, thus enabling them to increase the price or increase the quantity sold of other drugs.

Further, the number of drugs that treat a given disease may be less important than whether or not there is at least one drug which does a good job of treatment. Copycat drugs may not be welfare enhancing, but would certainly be positively correlated with market size.

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